Something for James Rogers [was: SPORK]

Elias Sinderson fork@xent.com
Wed, 26 Mar 2003 11:30:12 -0800


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James Rogers wrote:

>Bio:  The only "bio-weapons" we gave to Saddam Hussein were standard
>bacterial cultures that we give to *everybody*.  [...].  
>
>Chem:  As far as I can tell, the US never gave Iraq any chemical weapons. [...]
>
James,

Please read the following article excerpt, FoRKed for your convenience 
from CounterPunch.org [1]. I've checked through the authors main sources 
related to our discussion (primarily transcripts of US senate hearings) 
and they appear legit, although I encourage you to do the same [2].


Yours,
Elias

[1] Stephen Green, Who Armed Saddam? - Rumsfeld's Account Book, posted 
on CounterPunch.org, 24 Feb, 2003, 
<http://www.counterpunch.org/green02242003.html>
[2] The Tuite Reports, specifically articles 3 (US Dual-Use Exports to 
Iraq ...), 4 (US Chemical and Biological Exports to Iraq ...) and 12 (US 
Senate Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs: Second Staff 
Report on US Chemical and Biological Warfare-Related Dual-Use Exports to 
Iraq ...) <http://www.chronicillnet.org/PGWS/tuite/default.htm>
______________
BITSBITSBITS:


[...] it was the U.S. Senate itself (Committee on Banking, Housing and 
Urban Affairs) which had conducted extensive hearings in 1992 and 1994 
on "United States Dual-Use Exports to Iraq and Their Impact on the 
Health of Persian Gulf War Veterans." And he'd probably read the front 
page Washington Post story ("U.S. Had Key Role in Iraq Buildup", 
12/30/02) based upon recently declassified documents, which revealed 
that it was Rumsfeld himself who, as President Reagan's Middle East 
Envoy, had traveled to the Region to meet with Saddam Hussein in 
December 1983 to normalize, particularly, security relations.

At the time of the visit , Iraq had already been removed from the State 
Department's list of terrorist countries in 1982; and in the previous 
month, November, President Reagan had approved National Security 
Decision Directive 114, on expansion of U.S.-Iraq relations generally. 
But it was Donald Rumsfeld's trip to Baghdad which opened of the 
floodgates during 1985-90 for lucrative U.S. weapons exports--some $1.5 
billion worth-- including chemical/biological and nuclear weapons 
equipment and technology, along with critical components for missile 
delivery systems for all of the above. According to a 1994 GAO Letter 
Report (GAO/NSIAD-94-98) some 771 weapons export licenses for Iraq were 
approved during this six year period....not by our European allies, but 
by the U.S. Department of Commerce.

To be sure, many of these weapons were expended in the latter phases of 
the Iran-Iraq war. Others were destroyed by Coalition forces in the 
Persian Gulf War, or by UN weapons inspectors in the control regime 
established by the UN Security Council following that conflict. But a 
great many undoubtedly remain, and pose grave risks to the 150,000 U.S. 
troops deployed in Kuwait, and 100,000 on the way. Imagine the 
embarrassment to Defense Secretary Rumsfeld before the Armed Services 
Committee last week if one or more Senators had had the awareness AND 
the courage to raise the matter of Iraq's secret supplier.

And in this case, the devil is quite literally in the details.

There were few if any reservations evident in the range of weapons which 
President Ronald Reagan, and his successor George W. H. Bush were 
willing to sell Saddam Hussein. Under the Arms Export Control Act of 
1976, the foreign sale of munitions and other defense equipment and 
technology are controlled by the Department of State. During the 1980s, 
such items could not be sold or diverted to Communist states, nor to 
those on the U.S. list of terrorist-supporting countries. When Iraq came 
off that list in 1982, however, some $48 million of items such as data 
privacy devices, voice scramblers, communication and navigation 
equipment, electronic components, image intensifiers and pistols (to 
protect Saddam) were approved for sale during 1985-90.

But it was through the purchase of $1.5 billion of American "dual-use 
items," having, sometimes arguably, both military and civilian 
functions, that Iraq obtained the bulk of it weapons of mass destruction 
in the late 80s. "Duel-use items" are controlled and licensed by the 
Department of Commerce under the Export Administration Act of 1979. This 
is where the real damage was done.

In 1992 and again in1994, hearings were conducted by the Senate Banking, 
Housing and Urban Affairs Committee, which has Senate oversight 
responsibility for the Export Administration Act. The purpose of the 
hearings was the Committee's concern that "tens of thousands" of Gulf 
War veterans were suffering from symptoms associated with the "Gulf War 
Syndrome", possibly due to their exposure to chemical and biological 
agents that had been exported from the U.S. during that brief period of 
"normalisation" of relations with Iraq in 1985-90.

At the opening of the second round of hearings on May 25,1994, Chairman 
Donald Riegle and Ranking Member Alphonse D'Amato released a detailed 
staff report which constituted a searing indictment of U.S. arms export 
policies during the Reagan/Bush Administrations, linking those exports 
to the health problems of Gulf War veterans, and excoriating the then 
current (Clinton) Administration for denying that such a link existed.

According to the hearing reports (which are available on a current 
website: www.chronicillnet.org/PGWS/tuite/default.htm) among the 
chemical weapons which had been sold to Iraq were some of the very most 
lethal available: Sarin, Soman, Tabun, VX, Lewisite, Cyanogen Chloride, 
Hydrogen Cyanide, blister agents and Mustard Gas. Some of the powerful 
biological agents sold included anthrax, Clostridium Botulinum, 
Histoplasma Capsulatum (causes a tuberculosis-like disease) , Brucella 
Melitensis, Clostridium Perfringens and Escherichia Coli.

Witnesses on the first day of the hearings included Under Secretary of 
Defense for Personnel and Readiness, Edwin Dorn, and the officials in 
both the Defense Department and the CIA responsible for 
non-proliferation policy. Interestingly, in what was often an 
adversarial exchange between the Committee and these officials, the 
latter admitted in sworn testimony that while no chemical/biological 
weapons had been found to have been "stored or used" by the Iraqi Army 
during the conflict, American troops had nevertheless been exposed to 
airborne traces of C/B agents from having been downwind of storage 
facilities that were bombed by U.S. planes.

Simply put, while Saddam Hussein had shown restraint in the Gulf War by 
not deploying his most lethal weapons, the U.S. Government had, a) sold 
chemical/biological agents and shipped them directly to Iraqi military 
installations, including some just months before Iraq's invasion of 
Kuwait, b) distributed faulty chemical/biological agent detection 
sensors and protrction gear such as gasmasks to U.S. troops and, c) 
caused the exposure of these troops by the bombing of military storage 
areas upwind of them.

It got worse. Dr. Gordon Oehler, Director of the Central Intelligence 
Agency's Non-Proliferation Center testified that, between 1984 and 1990, 
the CIA's Office of Scientific and Weapons Research had issued five 
alert memos...." covering Iraqi's dealings with United States firms on 
purchases, discussions, or visits that appeared to be related to weapons 
of mass destruction programs." Such memos, Oehler explained, were sent 
to Commerce, Justice, Treasury and the FBI when collected intelligence 
indicated that U.S. firms had been targeted by foreign governments of 
concern, or were involved in possible violations of U.S. law.

At another point in the hearings, Dr. Oehler indicated that CIA's 
concerns about Iraqi weapons programs, in particular...."a Samarra 
chemical plant, including six separate chemical weapons lines between 
1983 and 1986," had been reported...."directly to our customers." Under 
questioning from Chairman Riegle, he identified these as the President 
and the Secretaries of Defense and State.

Perhaps the most surprising testimony taken by the Senate Committee on 
Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs was that given in the earlier 1992 
hearings on the matter of U.S. assistance to the Iraqi ballistic missile 
and nuclear weapons programs. Gary Milhollin, Director of the Wisconsin 
Project on Nuclear Arms Control, testified that U.S. companies were 
being licensed by the Commerce Department to ship such items directly to 
the Al-Qaqaa and Badr facilities, which the Pentagon had formally 
identified as part of the Iraqi nuclear weapons production program, and 
to Salah al Din, known to be the center of its ballistic missile 
development efforts.

In all, Milhollin identified 40 U.S. companies involved in such sales. 
And it was critical equipment--vacuum pumps, electron beam welders, mass 
spectrometers, accelerometers, missile guidance systems, navigational 
radar, high speed computers and filling systems to load CB agents in 
missiles, among many other items. Such "stuff" was being sent to Iraq 
until late 1989 less than a year before Iraq's invasion of Kuwait!

Through the mid and late 1980s, said Milhollin, the Pentagon, the CIA 
and the Office Naval Intelligence, among others, continued to warn the 
White House that Iraq's nuclear, chemical and biological weapons were 
maturing at a rapid pace, as was work on the ballistic missiles to 
deliver them. The warnings were falling on deaf ears: in October, 1989, 
10 months before the Kuwait invasion, President George Bush signed NSD 
26, updating NSDD 114, and again committing the U.S. to normal relations 
with Saddam Hussein's government.

As had been the case with chemical and biological weapons, the list of 
American and European companies which sold the nuclear equipment and 
technology to Iraq were a virtual pantheon of industry names: Hewlett 
Packard, International Computer Systems, Siemens, TI Coating, Carl 
Zeiss, Rockwell Collins International, Spectra Physics, Unisys, 
Tektronix, Scientific Atlanta and Semetex, among many, many others. With 
such assistance, Iraq became a regional power during 1984-90, and 
developed regional ambitions.

But these companies were not, per se, Saddam Hussein's main weapons 
suppliers: that designation should properly go to Ronald Reagan and 
George W.H. Bush, the signers, respectively, of NSDD 114 and NSD 26, 
both of which remain classified. As the primary recipients and ultimate 
"customers" of the alert memos from the CIA and the U.S. intelligence 
community, they were currently and fully aware of the use to which the 
equipment and technology were being put, and of the security policy 
implications of the process.

And the instrument, the person, the envoy, who negotiated the process in 
the first instance, is the current U.S. Secretary of Defense, Donald 
Rumsfeld.

Steven Green lives in Berlin, Vermont. He can be reached at: 
sjgreen@sover.net <mailto:sjgreen@sover.net>



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James Rogers wrote:<br>
<blockquote type="cite" cite="mid003201c2f3c9$67eb86e0$f200000a@avalon">
  <pre wrap=""></pre>
  <pre wrap="">Bio:  The only "bio-weapons" we gave to Saddam Hussein were standard
bacterial cultures that we give to *everybody*.  [...].  

Chem:  As far as I can tell, the US never gave Iraq any chemical weapons. [...]</pre>
</blockquote>
James,<br>
<br>
Please read the following article excerpt, FoRKed for your convenience from
CounterPunch.org [1]. I've checked through the authors main sources related
to our discussion (primarily transcripts of US senate hearings) and they
appear legit, although I encourage you to do the same [2].<br>
<br>
<br>
Yours,<br>
Elias<br>
<br>
[1] Stephen Green, Who Armed Saddam? - Rumsfeld's Account Book, posted on
CounterPunch.org, 24 Feb, 2003, <a class="moz-txt-link-rfc2396E" href="http://www.counterpunch.org/green02242003.html">&lt;http://www.counterpunch.org/green02242003.html&gt;</a><br>
[2] The Tuite Reports, specifically articles 3 (US Dual-Use Exports to Iraq
...), 4 (US Chemical and Biological Exports to Iraq ...) and 12 (US Senate
Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs: Second Staff Report on
US Chemical and Biological Warfare-Related Dual-Use Exports to Iraq ...)
<a class="moz-txt-link-rfc2396E" href="http://www.chronicillnet.org/PGWS/tuite/default.htm">&lt;http://www.chronicillnet.org/PGWS/tuite/default.htm&gt;</a><br>
______________<br>
<font face="Verdana">BITSBITSBITS:<br>
<br>
<br>
[...] it was the U.S. Senate itself       (Committee on Banking, Housing
and Urban Affairs) which had conducted       extensive hearings in 1992 and
1994 on "United States Dual-Use       Exports to Iraq and Their Impact on
the Health of Persian Gulf       War Veterans." And he'd probably read the
front page Washington       Post story ("U.S. Had Key Role in Iraq Buildup",
12/30/02)       based upon recently declassified documents, which revealed
that       it was Rumsfeld himself who, as President Reagan's Middle East 
      Envoy, had traveled to the Region to meet with Saddam Hussein     
 in December 1983 to normalize, particularly, security relations.       
</font>        
<p><font face="Verdana">At the time of the visit , Iraq had already     
 been removed from the State Department's list of terrorist countries   
   in 1982; and in the previous month, November, President Reagan       had
approved National Security Decision Directive 114, on expansion       of
U.S.-Iraq relations generally. But it was Donald Rumsfeld's       trip to
Baghdad which opened of the floodgates during 1985-90       for lucrative
U.S. weapons exports--some $1.5 billion worth--       including chemical/biological
and nuclear weapons equipment and       technology, along with critical components
for missile delivery       systems for all of the above. According to a 1994
GAO Letter       Report (GAO/NSIAD-94-98) some 771 weapons export licenses
for       Iraq were approved during this six year period....not by our  
    European allies, but by the U.S. Department of Commerce.  </font></p>
        
<p><font face="Verdana">To be sure, many of these weapons were       expended
in the latter phases of the Iran-Iraq war. Others were       destroyed by
Coalition forces in the Persian Gulf War, or by       UN weapons inspectors
in the control regime established by the       UN Security Council following
that conflict. But a great many       undoubtedly remain, and pose grave
risks to the 150,000 U.S.       troops deployed in Kuwait, and 100,000 on
the way. Imagine the       embarrassment to Defense Secretary Rumsfeld before
the Armed       Services Committee last week if one or more Senators had
had       the awareness AND the courage to raise the matter of Iraq's secret 
      supplier.</font></p>
        
<p><font face="Verdana">And in this case, the devil is quite       literally
in the details.</font></p>
        
<p><font face="Verdana">There were few if any reservations evident      
in the range of weapons which President Ronald Reagan, and his       successor
George W. H. Bush  were willing to sell Saddam Hussein.       Under the Arms
Export Control Act of 1976, the foreign sale of       munitions and other
defense equipment and technology are controlled       by the Department of
State. During the 1980s, such items could       not be sold or diverted to
Communist states, nor to those on       the U.S. list of terrorist-supporting
countries. When Iraq came       off that list in 1982, however, some $48
million of  items such       as data privacy devices, voice scramblers, communication
and       navigation equipment, electronic components, image intensifiers 
      and pistols (to protect Saddam) were approved for sale during     
 1985-90.</font></p>
        
<p><font face="Verdana">But it was through the purchase of $1.5       billion
of American "dual-use items," having, sometimes       arguably, both military
and civilian functions, that Iraq obtained       the bulk of it weapons of
mass destruction in the late 80s. "Duel-use       items" are controlled and
licensed by the Department of       Commerce under the Export Administration
Act of 1979. This is       where the real damage was done.</font></p>
        
<p><font face="Verdana">In 1992 and again in1994, hearings were       conducted
by the Senate Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs Committee,       which has
Senate oversight responsibility for the Export Administration       Act.
The purpose of the hearings was the Committee's concern       that "tens
of thousands" of Gulf War veterans were       suffering from symptoms associated
with the "Gulf War Syndrome",       possibly due to their exposure to chemical
and biological agents       that had been exported from the U.S. during that
brief period       of "normalisation" of relations with Iraq in 1985-90. 
     </font></p>
        
<p><font face="Verdana">At the opening of the second round of       hearings
on May 25,1994, Chairman Donald Riegle and Ranking Member       Alphonse
D'Amato released a detailed staff report which constituted       a searing
indictment of U.S. arms export policies during the       Reagan/Bush Administrations,
linking those exports to the health       problems of Gulf War veterans,
and excoriating the then current       (Clinton) Administration for denying
that such a link existed.       </font></p>
        
<p><font face="Verdana">According to the hearing reports (which       are
available on a current website: <a class="moz-txt-link-abbreviated" href="http://www.chronicillnet.org/PGWS/tuite/default.htm">www.chronicillnet.org/PGWS/tuite/default.htm</a>) 
      among the chemical weapons which had been sold to Iraq were some  
    of the very most lethal available: Sarin, Soman, Tabun, VX, Lewisite, 
      Cyanogen Chloride, Hydrogen Cyanide, blister agents and Mustard   
   Gas. Some of the powerful biological agents sold included anthrax,   
   Clostridium Botulinum, Histoplasma Capsulatum (causes a tuberculosis-like 
      disease) , Brucella Melitensis, Clostridium Perfringens and Escherichia 
      Coli.</font></p>
        
<p><font face="Verdana">Witnesses on the first day of the hearings      
included Under Secretary of Defense for Personnel and Readiness,       Edwin
Dorn, and the officials in both the Defense Department       and the CIA
responsible for non-proliferation policy. Interestingly,       in what was
often an adversarial exchange between the Committee       and these officials,
the latter admitted in sworn testimony that       while no chemical/biological
weapons had been found to have been       "stored or used" by the Iraqi Army
during the conflict,       American troops had nevertheless been exposed
to airborne traces       of C/B agents from having been downwind of storage
facilities       that were bombed by U.S. planes.</font></p>
        
<p><font face="Verdana">Simply put, while Saddam Hussein had       shown
restraint in the Gulf War by not deploying his most lethal       weapons,
the U.S. Government had, a) sold chemical/biological       agents and shipped
them directly to Iraqi military installations,       including some just
months before Iraq's invasion of Kuwait,       b) distributed faulty chemical/biological
agent detection sensors       and protrction gear such as gasmasks to U.S.
troops and, c) caused       the exposure of these troops by the bombing of
military storage       areas upwind of them. </font></p>
        
<p><font face="Verdana">It got worse. Dr. Gordon Oehler, Director       of
the Central Intelligence Agency's Non-Proliferation Center       testified
that, between 1984 and 1990, the CIA's Office of Scientific       and Weapons
Research had issued five alert memos...." covering       Iraqi's dealings
with United States firms on purchases, discussions,       or visits that
appeared to be related to weapons of mass destruction       programs." Such
memos, Oehler explained, were sent to Commerce,       Justice, Treasury and
the FBI when collected intelligence indicated       that U.S. firms had been
targeted by foreign governments of concern,       or were involved in possible
violations of U.S. law. </font></p>
        
<p><font face="Verdana">At another point in the hearings, Dr.       Oehler
indicated that CIA's concerns about Iraqi weapons programs,       in particular...."a
Samarra chemical plant, including six       separate chemical weapons lines
between 1983 and 1986,"       had been reported...."directly to our customers."
Under       questioning from Chairman Riegle, he identified these as the 
     President and the Secretaries of Defense and State. <br>
        <br>
       Perhaps the most surprising testimony taken by the Senate Committee 
      on Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs was that given in the earlier 
      1992 hearings on the matter of U.S. assistance to the Iraqi ballistic 
      missile and nuclear weapons programs. Gary Milhollin, Director    
  of the Wisconsin Project on Nuclear Arms Control, testified that      
U.S. companies were being licensed by the Commerce Department       to ship
such items directly to the Al-Qaqaa  and Badr facilities,       which the
Pentagon had formally identified as part of the Iraqi       nuclear weapons
production program, and to Salah al Din, known       to be the center of
its ballistic missile development efforts.       </font></p>
        
<p><font face="Verdana">In all, Milhollin identified 40 U.S.       companies
involved in such sales. And it was critical equipment--vacuum       pumps,
electron beam welders, mass spectrometers, accelerometers,       missile
guidance systems, navigational radar, high speed computers       and filling
systems to load CB agents in missiles, among many       other items. Such
"stuff" was being sent to Iraq until       late 1989 less than a year before
Iraq's invasion of Kuwait!       </font></p>
        
<p><font face="Verdana">Through the mid and late 1980s, said       Milhollin,
the Pentagon, the CIA and the Office Naval Intelligence,       among others,
continued to warn the White House that Iraq's nuclear,       chemical and
biological weapons were maturing at a rapid pace,       as was work on the
ballistic missiles to deliver them. The warnings       were falling on deaf
ears: in October, 1989, 10 months before       the Kuwait invasion, President
George Bush signed NSD 26, updating       NSDD 114, and again committing
the U.S. to normal relations with       Saddam Hussein's government.  <br>
         <br>
       As had been the case with chemical and biological weapons, the   
   list of American and European companies which sold the nuclear       equipment
and technology to Iraq were a virtual pantheon of industry       names: Hewlett
Packard, International Computer Systems, Siemens,       TI Coating, Carl
Zeiss, Rockwell Collins International, Spectra       Physics, Unisys, Tektronix,
Scientific Atlanta and Semetex, among       many, many others. With such
assistance, Iraq became a regional       power during 1984-90, and developed
regional ambitions. </font></p>
        
<p><font face="Verdana">But these companies were not, per se,       Saddam
Hussein's main weapons suppliers: that designation should       properly
go to Ronald Reagan and George W.H. Bush, the signers,       respectively,
of NSDD 114 and NSD 26, both of which remain classified.       As the primary
recipients and ultimate "customers"       of the alert memos from the CIA
and the U.S. intelligence community,       they were currently and fully
aware of the use to which the equipment       and technology were being put,
and of the security policy implications       of the process.  </font></p>
        
<p><font face="Verdana">And the instrument, the person, the envoy,      
who negotiated the process in the first instance, is the current       U.S.
Secretary of Defense, Donald Rumsfeld.<br>
</font></p>
<p><b><font face="Verdana">Steven Green</font></b><font face="Verdana"> 
     lives in Berlin, Vermont. He can be reached at: <b><a
 href="mailto:sjgreen@sover.net">sjgreen@sover.net</a></b></font><br>
       </p>
        
<p><font face="Verdana"><br>
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